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5 11 0APJ JFthink that because the bear is ceremoniallykilled in the "iyomante," the spirit-sendingceremony, it is a sacrifice to god. IT IS NOT!We believe that the bear IS a god spirit,disguised as a bear (or other living thing), whocomes to the people with its gifts of food andfur. The death of the bear releases the spirit,allowing it to return to god's land. I have beenasked about my use of the term “god’s land” asopposed to the most familiar term “the land ofthe gods”? For us, “god’s land” refers to landbelonging to the gods, whereas “land of thegods” suggests a more transient quality. Webelieve that the use of the term eliminates anyambiguity as to the proprietorship of god’sland.treat the gifts of the gods. It is important tounderstand that we do not worship nature perse. All things in nature are spirits sent to Ainumosir disguised as bears, trees, wind, etc.There is a big difference between whattraditional Ainu believe and those who followShino beliefs. Traditionally all Ainu activitieswere based on respect for the gods. If humanswere not respectful, the evil gods (wen-kamuy)would wreak havoc on the people. An easyexample; if a village is respectful to kamuy,they would get soft gentle rains for their smallgardens, if not, they would be visited by ahundred year flood. Wen-kamuy is veryresourceful, and not to be taken lightly. Todaymost Ainu are Buddhists with a good measureof Ainu belief systems thrown in. There aresome Ainu who are Christians, mostly amongthe Asahikawa Ainu.JD/RD: The most accepted theory of migrationis that the Ainu came from the northern routeinto Japan. So are the Ainu also a North Pacificpeople, related to native people from thenorthern Pacific Rim and adjacent Bering andChukchi Seas? Do you see evidence ofconnections reflected in their arts?KD: I have not seen DNA research comparingChukchi Eskimo or other peoples of the NorthPacific with the Ainu. Given that there has beenmutual contact for thousands of years, I amsure that DNA evidence will show that all NorthPacific peoples are part of an extended family.Fig. 6: Bear ceremonially killed to release itsgod spirit. To prepare for the journey togod’s land, the bear is given food such as thesalmon shown in the foreground. The hugemedallion in front is part of a traditionaltamasay (necklace) with large glass beads.The necklace identifies the bear as a female.A male bear would be identified with a sword.The sex of the bear has no bearing onmatters of any kind.People often ask me if the peoples of theNorthwest Coast of the Americas are related.I strongly believe that we are, but I don't seewhat many people consider similaritiesbetween Ainu designs, and Northwest Coastcarving designs found on house posts, totempoles, or shaman rattles, and designs onceremonial regalia such as tunics, aprons,leggings and Chilkat blankets. TraditionalNorthwest Coast designs are not spiritual inthe usual sense. Instead, they are mostly signsof social status and ancestral connections,The spiritual beliefs of the Ainu are complex,they do not fit the usual definition of animism,nor are they a form of Shinto. Kamuy-mosir, theAinu land of spirits is on a separate trackparallel to the human land (Ainu-mosir). Thereis a different relationship between god spiritsand humans. Kamuy (gods) send good or badgifts to humans depending on how humans6

5 11 0APJ JFusually related to members from the animalworld that became family crests ownedexclusively by the individual or family. These‘rules’ still apply.The animal itself could represent a spirit. Forexample, a totem pole is not a ‘religious’symbol, but the images on it could be,especially with the Tsimshian. This is a newarea of research for me. In contrast all Ainu artwas made to please the gods (kamuy), but theart could never be made in the image of any ofthe spiritual gods except for special ceremonialitems.If that’s the case why do we see the ubiquitousAinu carved bear, the god of the mountains,kimun-kamuy, wherever tourist items are sold?After we lost the wars of the 19th century, theJapanese outlawed fishing and hunting, ourmain source of food, and many Ainu starved todeath. By 1900, our traditional way of life,based on hunting and fishing, was mostly gone.Unique to our beliefs is our relationships withkamuy, if we believe that we have beenwronged, we can petition, or even argue withthe gods for change. In this case we petitionedthe gods through private prayer that we beallowed to change the dogma against makingimages in the form of gods. We desperatelyneeded to enter the market, and gradually the"Ainu bear" and other animal gods, especiallythe salmon, kamuy-chep (god’s fish) werecarved and offered for sale. Of course, wecontinue to carve kamuy figures on our mostsacred ceremonial item, the ikupasuy, ourprayer-sticks, which enable us to communicatedirectly with the gods.Fig. 7: The carved bear is the most popular‘souvenir’ among tourists who travel toHokkaido. This bear, carved by Ainu artistMatsui Umetaro, is from the 1920s. In 1938he was chosen to carve a bear for EmperorHirohito. Unfortunately the overwhelmingnumber of these ‘kanko kuma’ (tourist bears)are not carved by Ainu.Fig. 8: This sacred ikupasuy (prayer-stick)depicts kimun-kamuy (the god of themountain) and chep-atte-kamuy (the salmongod). It may have been used for the FirstSalmon ceremony.JD/RD: Some people say traditional Ainudesigns are so abstract, no one can detect whatthey represent, while others believe that theysee animals such as owls or bears in them.Could you comment further?KD: Neither is true. First, there isn’t anythingto detect in Ainu designs. As stated we believethat the evil gods (wen-kamuy) are so cleverthat if there was something ‘hidden’ in thedesign, they would know, and they could enterthe image and cause great harm. The beautifulart on the clothes, platters, etc. is our way ofhonoring and respecting the gods, but the7

5 11 0APJ JFdesigns are not spiritual in any way.Importantly, tradition dictates that all designsbe original. To make a ‘reproduction’ would bedisrespectful to kamuy. When looking at a robe,the designs may look the same, but each isdifferent, although admittedly the designdifferences may be subtle. Part of the problemis the subtle differences between designelements; for example, eight out of thenineteen design elements identified arevariations of the whorl.designs on the bear can be very difficult, forexample, frogs coming from the eyes, or wolveson sea bears, both very abstract. More difficultare design elements known collectively as“formline designs.” The known individualelements have been given names such asOvoid, Tertiary-S, U-form, Split-U, the Salmontrout’s head, and negative and positive space.Each design element may have countlessvariations. We don’t know the Native terms forthe elements if in fact there were Native terms.I do see a possible challenge to designdiversity. There are Ainu dance groups thathave similar dance robes such as theAsahikawa Chikabumi ‘style,’ the chijiri. Theydo all look alike, but as I stated, there can beminor differences. I have never had theopportunity to have all robes together toinspect. The designs are too complex tocompare individually. Also, it is often reportedthat all designs on robes are symmetrical.While most are, my research has shown thatapproximately 15-20 percent are asymmetrical.Fig. 10: One side of a contemporarybentwood dish by Tsimshian artist LyleWilson. Following the design of a very earlydish, “it seems that the greater themasterpiece in Northwest Coast art the lesswe can say about its meaning” (Wilson Duff,1983). I believe the simple designs on theJomon figurine featured in figure 3 areforerunners of modern designs, but could thecomplex Ainu designs of today come from thespirit world of the Jomon, or from theNorthwest Coast, or did the Jomon/Ainuinfluence the Northwest Coast cultures? Wejust don’t know.Fig. 9: A good example of asymmetricaldesign. All styles of robes have at least someexamples of asymmetrical designs. However,most examples are much more subtle.Northwest Coast designs are a bit easier toread, sometimes. For example, certain designssuch as bears can be identified, but otherHistorically, other possibilities for east-west8

5 11 0APJ JFartistic influences existed through personalcontact or through trade ‘brokers.’ My researchreveals oral narratives on both sides of theNorth Pacific that tell of early contact witheach other. Based on interviews of Ainu andNorthwest Coast elders from the Tlingit area(now southern Alaska), the Aleutian Islandsseem to have been the most logical transPacific route for the Ainu, Aleut and Tlingitpeoples. The Aleutian people, neighbors of theTlingit, certainly traveled east and west, andthey no doubt traveled to Kamchatka where theKamchatka Ainu lived. We know with certaintythat the Aleut and Ainu were forced by theRussians to trap sea otter together in theKuriles in the 1700s, but the big question is,was there earlier contact?Fig. 12: Needlecases and the needles theycontained were very important to the womenfashion designers. This Okhotsk case, circa500 AD, was found in northern Hokkaido.Other needle cases with geometric designshave been found on Shikotan, one of thedisputed islands claimed by both Russia andJapan. I have no doubt that other objectsfrom the Kurile islands have similar designsand are in Russian collections.Fig. 13: The needlecase described in figure12 has a design similar to those found onTlingit Raven’s Tail robes. This robe wasmade circa 1750-1800. Due to climate andweather conditions, older robes areextremely rare with most discoveries beingremnants.Fig. 11: As this map indicates, the totalterritory of the Ainu was huge with a muchsmaller land mass. As maritime traders, theytraveled great distances. The fact that thereare oral traditions referring to earlyTlingit/Ainu contact is exciting.There is also some physical evidence. Anengraved bone needle case was found from theOkhotsk culture (ca. AD 500), with designs verysimilar to those on early Tlingit Ravenstailrobes (ca. 1750-1800). The designs are alsosimilar to the tattoo designs historically foundon the backs of hands and forearms of Ainuwomen. Admittedly the physical evidence isthin, but with more research, we may find newlinks to the past.9

5 11 0APJ JFthe eminent Japanese scholar TanimotoKazuyuki has been researching the music anddance of Northern Pacific peoples for manyyears. His research is not based on a specificagenda, but rather seeks to record all theseoral histories in dance and song form beforethey are lost. The late Donald L. Philippi spentyears researching traditional yukar (Ainu oralnarratives). A fresh look at both his material,and Tanimoto’s, could be especially importantas it pertains to legal issues of the Ainu. Thereis one thing for sure; the Ainu will never ceasetheir fight to reclaim their ancestral lands. Ifirmly believe that oral histories will aid ourpeoples. Another thing for sure is that the fightis not going to be easy.Fig. 14: Tattoos of similar design such asthose shown in figures 12 and 13 werecommon on the backs of hands and forearmsof Ainu women well into the first half of the20th century.JD/RD: Many people think of not only theJapanese, but also the Ainu as "homogeneous."Yet haven't the Ainu always been diverse?I mentioned oral traditions. Unfortunately, oralnarratives in their many forms including butnot restricted to stories, songs, and dances,have received little respect. Importantly that isbeginning to change among some indigenousgroups as shown by the 1997 Supreme Court ofCanada decision, Delgamuukw V. BritishColumbia. In this case the Supreme Courtfound in favor of the Gitxsan and theWet’suwet’en tribes in their land claims againstBritish Columbia. The High Court stated thatfuture courts must accept valid Native oralhistory as evidence, and this will undoubtedlybe a key ingredient in future land claim cases.At the time of this writing I am not suggestingthat the Gitksan have won the land claims, buttheir case and future cases must take intoaccount oral histories. The obvious question ishow a Canadian ruling affects the Ainu. In theshort term probably little, but the ruling is thefirst on the North Pacific Rim to acceptevidence from oral history of an indigenouspeople, and it could act as a worldwideprecedent.KD: Today when the word "Ainu" is used, manypeople assume you mean Hokkaido Ainu, andthat all Hokkaido Ainu communities are thesame. Actually there were Ainu groups inHonshu such as the Tohoku Ainu, but therewere also the Sakhalin Ainu, Kurile Ainu,Kamchatka Ainu, and the many Hokkaidogroups, some of which either merged withother Ainu groups, or were assimilated in thewajin (Japanese) culture in Hokkaido. The Ainu‘groups’ were not generic. Besides languagedifferences, there were other differencesincluding ceremonies, fashion, food, housing,dance, and oral histories. Even the major godsare different, depending partly onenvironmental differences. For example, in allphysical environments of the Ainu that cansupport the bear, the god of the mountain, thebear is the major god. The Kurile Islands, onthe other hand, did not have an environment inhistorical times that supported a bearpopulation. The surrounding waters, however,support a very healthy population of orcawhales (killer whales). The killer whale, the godof the ocean, is a major god equal to the bear.Interestingly, the Kurile Ainu, closest toJapan has often responded to internationalpressure, and now might be the time. The firstorder of business is to search for any evidencethat could support Ainu claims. For example,10

5 11 0APJ JFHokkaido, would occasionally trade for a cubbear for the iyomante, the bear-sendingceremony.Fig. 15: The Jomon appear to have honoredthe same spirit animals as the Ainu. Killerwhale from the middle Jomon period, 3,000 –2,000 BC, found at a site in Hakodate,Hokkaido.Fig. 16: Bronislaw Pilsudski, a Polishprisoner of the Russians, took this picture ofa wealthy Sakhalin Ainu man around 1905.Identified as a mixed blood Ainu/Russian, thebold designs on his robe, typical of Sakhalinrobes, indicate the ready availability offabrics that the Hokkaido Ainu could neverafford. Notice the belt, a clear sign ofprosperity. While the Sakhalin Ainu had aseparate dialect, they had no problemcommunicating with Hokkaido Ainu assuggested by the number of intermarriages.Today a very few Ainu claim to be pure bloodAinu. I am certainly not going to argue thoseclaims, but pure blood Ainu would be extremelyrare. We have been in social contact with otherpeoples for thousands of years. The biggestinfluence initially would have been other Nativegroups such as the Nivkhi and Orok onSakhalin Island. The next major influencewould have been Russians and later Japanese.Lastly, because the Russians forced the Aleutand the Kurile Ainu to work togetherharvesting sea otters in the early eighteenthcentury, there was bound to be geneticexchange.While many cultural differences continue, todaysome of the biggest differences are political.Unfortunately this has led to a lack ofcohesiveness on major issues. Sometimes weare our own worst enemy. This is not only anAinu problem: I know of no indigenous groupthat hasn't experienced the problem of culturaldivision.JD/RD: Do you think there are any Ainu left inthe areas you mentioned?11

5 11 0APJ JFHitchcock doing research in Hokkaido forthe Smithsonian, measured an itaomachipthat was 50 feet long with a 10-foot beam.KD: Most Japanese scholars believe that thereare no "Ainu" in the Kuriles, Kamchatka, orSakhalin. I totally disagree. There is absolutelyno question that there are not only highnumbers of mixed blood Ainu/ Russian people,and mixed blood indigenous and Ainu; andthere is no doubt that there are at least someJapanese/Ainu in Sakhalin. It defies logic tothink otherwise.JD/RD: Some scholars think that the ancientKennewick man, whose bones were found inWashington State, was an Ainu. What's youropinion?KD: The story of Kennewick Man with itsintense legal fighting by several Indian tribeswith their ‘allies,’ the affected federal, state,and local government agencies, against thescientists, is so complex, I think a littlebackground is needed. In July 1996, twocollege students found some human bones onthe banks of the Columbia River in Kennewick,Benton County, Washington, which is in thesoutheastern part of the state. The students ledpolice to the find, and the police called forensicanthropologist James Chatters and took him tothe site. Immediately Chatters knew the boneswere old, but had no idea how old. Not onlywere they old, it did not appear that they werethe bones of an American Indian. Chatters anda colleague, Catherine MacMillan, a physicalanthropologist, were convinced that it was awhite person. MacMillan closely examined theskull and other bones and declared that thebones were of a Caucasoid male from forty-fiveto fifty-five years at death. They had the pelvicbone Cat-scanned and found a stone spearpoint embedded.The Ainu, Russians and many ethnic groupswere in social contact for centuries. We maynever know the extent of Ainu contact, but it'ssure to be considerable. Many people do notknow or have forgotten that the Ainu were anentrepreneurial maritime trading people whotraveled great distances in the pursuit ofbusiness in the Ainu ocean-going canoe, theitaomachip. There are reports that by 1739,and perhaps much earlier, Ainu leaders hadsome Ainu live among their trading customersto learn their languages and customs tofacilitate trade. The people of the North Pacific,not just the Ainu, traveled incredible distances.If the reader has the opportunity to go to NewYork City, I recommend going to AmericanMuseum of Natural History to see the hugeHaida Canoe on display. After seeing it, therecan be no doubt of long distance travel.In August samples from the bones were sent tothe University of California, Riverside forradiocarbon dating, and the results wereastounding! Kennewick Man, as he was nownamed, was approxima

artists, as well as art and artifacts of past Ainu culture, her input redefined the scope of the exhibition and reflected her ongoing activism to challenge the "vanishing people" myth about the Ainu. Dubreuil explains, "We are still here and our culture is still vibrant." Dubreuil, with Fitzhugh, co-edited Ainu: Spirit